Marine cadets of the Ethiopian Maritime Training Institute stand in formation during a parade.(Photo Credit: EMTI)

Kenya is living through another painful season of school unrest. Dormitories burn. Property is destroyed. Young lives are lost or permanently scarred. The May 2026 fire at Utumishi Girls Academy in Gilgil that claimed sixteen students, the subsequent arrests of minors, and the wave of arson and violence that has disrupted more than two hundred schools have forced a national reckoning. The Ministry of Education has formed multi-sectoral teams. Governors and education officials speak of whole-of-society approaches. Yet the underlying question remains stubborn: how do we form young people who can carry freedom, responsibility and national purpose at the same time?

Into this moment comes a carefully argued policy proposal by Marine Chief Engineer Titus Kilonzi, a former Senior Deputy Director at Bandari Maritime Academy and himself a product of the earlier National Youth Service experience. His document calls for the reintroduction of a structured pre-university NYS training programme—not as a blunt instrument of control, but as a developmental bridge between secondary school and the next stage of life. It deserves serious, clear-eyed consideration.
The Historical Shadow and the Present Opportunity
Kenya has tried this before. In May 1984, the Moi government introduced the National Youth Service Pre-University Training Programme (NYSPUT). Prospective university students underwent roughly fourteen weeks of paramilitary-style training intended to instil discipline, patriotism and loyalty to the Nyayo philosophy. Academic research later showed mixed and sometimes paradoxical results: the programme succeeded in creating shared experiences across class and region, yet it also alienated some recruits and helped radicalise a cohort of student activists who went on to confront the state more boldly once on campus. By the early 1990s, the scheme was abandoned, largely on grounds of cost and shifting political priorities.
The current NYS, reformed under the 2018 Act, is voluntary, targets 18–24-year-olds, and combines six months of basic paramilitary training with national service and technical and vocational education. The government is now scaling it aggressively, aiming to raise annual recruitment toward 100,000. That expansion is valuable. It is not, however, the same as a universal or near-universal transition programme for secondary school leavers before they scatter into universities, TVET colleges, informal work or idleness.
Kilonzi’s proposal sits in the space between these realities. He does not romanticise the old programme. He argues for a modern, rights-respecting, developmental version lasting three to six months, focused on discipline and self-management, civic education, physical fitness, leadership and teamwork, community service, practical and digital skills, life skills and safeguarding, and structured career guidance. The programme would be piloted, independently evaluated, and only scaled if evidence justifies it. Human dignity, inclusion, professional supervision and psychosocial support are treated as non-negotiable.
Strengths of the Proposal
First, timing and diagnosis. The transition from secondary school is a formative and often unsupported period. Many young Kenyans leave Form Four with academic credentials but limited experience of structured responsibility, teamwork across difference, or adult mentorship outside the family. Classroom learning alone does not reliably produce the habits of self-management, resilience and civic responsibility that a complex society requires. A common national experience can help close that gap.
Second, the emphasis on development rather than punishment is correct and necessary. The proposal repeatedly insists that the programme must not treat participants as presumed offenders, must prohibit humiliation and corporal punishment, and must provide access to qualified counselling and referral pathways. In a country still reckoning with the excesses of past disciplinary cultures, this framing is essential for legitimacy and effectiveness.
Third, the design is practical and multi-dimensional. The indicative curriculum table in the proposal—covering everything from constitutional values and conflict resolution to digital literacy and career pathways—is more comprehensive than a pure paramilitary model. Linking community service, environmental stewardship and workplace exposure to the training increases the chance that participants leave with both character and competence.
Fourth, the implementation roadmap is unusually sober. It begins with policy review, needs assessment and public consultation; moves through curriculum development and safeguarding protocols; insists on a representative pilot; demands independent evaluation of outcomes, costs, equity and unintended effects; and only then contemplates phased scale-up. Too many Kenyan initiatives leap from announcement to national rollout. This one does not.
Legitimate Concerns and Hard Questions
Scepticism is warranted. Compulsory or near-compulsory national service for school leavers raises questions of liberty, consent and equity. Will poorer families bear disproportionate costs if the programme delays income-earning? How will disability, health conditions, religious practice and gender be accommodated without creating parallel and inferior tracks? Who will train and supervise the instructors at scale, and how will the system prevent the very abuses it seeks to avoid?
Cost is another reality. Residential training for tens or hundreds of thousands of young people is expensive. Meals, accommodation, transport, medical support, insurance, accessible facilities and independent monitoring add up quickly. The proposal rightly calls for a detailed costing exercise before any commitment. Partnerships with counties, development partners and the private sector may help, but they must not compromise public accountability or equal access.
There is also the risk of over-promising. No single programme will eliminate school arson or youth violence. The causes are multiple: family stress, mental health gaps, peer dynamics, substance use, weak school leadership, overcrowding, and sometimes genuine grievances about conditions and treatment. A pre-university NYS can contribute to prevention and formation; it cannot replace effective counselling in schools, stronger child-protection systems, or credible pathways into further education and work. The proposal itself is careful on this point, and any public discussion must remain equally careful.
Finally, historical memory matters. The earlier NYSPUT was experienced by some as formative and by others as alienating or politicised. A new programme will need transparent governance, independent oversight, and genuine youth voice in design if it is to avoid becoming another top-down project that breeds cynicism.
A Path Worth Testing
The most persuasive feature of Kilonzi’s document is its refusal of nostalgia and its insistence on evidence. It treats the former programme as a source of lessons rather than a model to copy. It places safeguarding, inclusion and measurable outcomes at the centre. It recommends starting small, evaluating rigorously, and expanding only where value is demonstrated.
In the current climate of school fires and public anxiety, the temptation will be either to dismiss structured national service as authoritarian or to embrace it as a quick fix. Both responses are inadequate. Kenya needs young citizens who understand that freedom without discipline becomes licence, and that discipline without respect for dignity becomes oppression. A carefully designed, rights-respecting, skills-rich pre-university national youth programme—piloted, evaluated and continuously improved—offers one serious instrument for building that balance.
The government should commission the feasibility study, open genuine consultation (especially with young people themselves), and test the idea under independent scrutiny. The alternative is to continue managing crises after they explode, rather than investing in the character and competence of the generation that will inherit the country.
A disciplined, skilled and service-minded generation is not a slogan. It is an investment decision. The proposal on the table deserves to be examined with the seriousness that decision requires.

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